1938 (48 page)

28
Eventually Henderson reappeared:
Goebbels,
Tagebücher I, V
, 169, 188, 194.

28
“In the end we are:
Goebbels,
Tagebücher I V
, 181.

28
In Berlin, Goebbels noted:
Goebbels,
Tagebücher I, V
, 166.

28
The musical director of the Vienna:
Berta Geissmar,
The Baton and the Jackboot: Recollections of Musical Life
(London, 1944), 325.

29
Still, he did not feel that:
Goebbels,
Tagebücher I, V
, 181–182.

29
Goebbels was particularly livid:
Goebbels,
Tagebücher I, V
, 143, 146.

29
Fritsch protested:
Schwerin,
Junge Generation
, 140.

31
“They have no sense:
Klemperer,
Tagebücher
, 398.

31
“cowardice, fear and hypocrisy”:
Goebbels,
Tagebücher I, V
, 183.

31
“no longer decent:
Goebbels,
Tagebücher I, V
, 183, 192.

32
bugging his telephone:
Schwerin,
Junge Generation
, 141.

32
“Colonel-General,” said Goltz:
Schwerin,
Junge Generation
, 141.

32
He almost certainly made contact:
Schwerin,
Junge Generation
, 141.

32
“Yes, I was lying.”:
Lang,
Wolff
, 85.

32
Goebbels rightly called it:
Goebbels,
Tagebücher I, V
, 241.

33
He summoned his parliament:
Schuschnigg,
Requiem
, 33.

33
“The Duce is now strongly critical.”:
Ciano,
Ciano’s Diary
, 84.

33
interpretation of Bruckner:
Ernst Lothar,
Das Wunder des Überlebens: Erinnerungen und Ergebnisse
(Hamburg, 1960), 103.

33
storm troopers of the Ostmark:
Ostmark was also the name awarded to Austria after Hitler reduced it to a province of the Greater German Reich.

33
merely shrugged his shoulders:
Lothar,
Erinnerungen
, 104.

34
Schuschnigg was getting brave:
Kordt,
Nicht aus den Akten
, 192–193.

34
“
C’è un errore
”:
Ciano,
Ciano’s Diary
, 79.

34
“foolish and provocative.”:
Roberts,
Holy Fox
, 89.

34
He had sent Ribbentrop to London:
Kordt,
Nicht aus den Akten
, 195.

34
“Listen to me.:
Spitzy,
So haben wir das Reich verspielt
, 234.

34
Hitler realized that:
Goebbels,
Tagebücher I, V
, 198–199.

34
General Alfred Jodl noted:
Jodl,
Diary
.

34
“The Nazis are rising:
Ciano,
Ciano’s Diary
, 87.

34
preserve Austrian independence:
Papen,
Memoirs
, 424.

34
In the end they did nothing:
See Richard Lamb,
The Ghosts of Peace, 1935–1945
(Wilton, 1987), 56; Goebbels,
Tagebücher I, V
, 199.

35
the Austrian
Kruckenkreuz
:
A Greek cross with long flat tops to the arms. It was not the only Nazi-style trapping of the Corporate State. Schuschnigg ended his speeches with a rousing “
Front-Heil!
” The equivalent of Kraft-durch-Freude was Neue Leben, and Jungvolk mirrored the Nazi youth organizations.

35
Austrians were better Germans:
See Isabella Ackerl, “Die Propaganda der Vaterländischen Front für die geplante Volksfragung vom 13 März 1938,” in Stadt Wien,
Wien 1938
, 18–23.

35
“Devious and shabby”:
Spitzy,
So haben wir das Reich verspielt
, 231.

35
Göring later gleefully pointed out:
Georg Stefan Troller,
Das fidele Grab an der Donau: Mein Wien 1918–1938
(Düsseldorf, 2004), 239–240.

35
The leader of the Austrian Legion:
Goebbels,
Tagebücher I, V
, 200.

35
A boy who shouted:
Lothar,
Erinnerungen
, 105.

36
German-Japanese alliance:
Bloch,
Ribbentrop
, 194–195.

36
The RAM learned of the Anschluss:
Viscount Templewood,
Nine Troubled Years
(London, 1954), 282.

36
another for 300,000:
Jonny Moser, “Das Schicksal der Wiener Juden in Märzund Apriltagen 1938,” in Stadt Wien,
Wien 1938
, 173.

36
“but we were worried:
Gina Kaus,
Und was für ein Leben–mit Liebe und Literatur, Theater und Film
(Hamburg, 1979), 198.

37
“a precise declaration about:
Ciano,
Ciano’s Diary
, 87.

37
the system established by the Germans in the Saar:
The Versailles Treaty had awarded the Saar region on Germany’s western border to the French for a period of fifteen years, after which its destiny would be decided by a plebiscite. In January 1935, over 90 percent of the Saarländer voted to return to Germany.

38
“Yes, he should act!”:
Parparov,
Hitler Book
, 27.

38
“The situation can only be saved:
Schuschnigg,
Requiem
, 46.

38
In Berlin it was still not certain:
Goebbels,
Tagebücher I, V
, 203.

38
In Austria, public loudspeakers told men:
Wingelbauer, “Das Österreichische Bundesheer,” 41.

38
By 6 pm the troops:
Haas, “Der Anschluss,” 43; Wingelbauer, “Das Österreichische Bundesheer,” 42.

38
“We left Vienna to avoid bloodshed:
Lothar,
Erinnerungen
, 108–109.

38
The idea was to make him:
Kershaw,
Nemesis
, 77.

38
The Italians had already washed their hands:
Ciano,
Ciano’s Diary
, 87.

39
“most of them with heavy sabre scars:
Schuschnigg,
Requiem
, 48.

39
One was Gauleiter Joseph Bürckel:
Kordt,
Nicht aus den Akten
, 191.

39
Hess came by train:
Maximilian Liebmann,
Theodor Innitzer und der Anschluss: Österreichs Kirche 1938
(Graz, 1988), 65.

39
“I can’t see a thing, nothing at all:
Troller,
Fidele Grab
, 242.

39
Stammlokal
:
Like a local pub to an Englishman, an extension to his home.

39
“Seyss ordered only soup:
Troller,
Fidele Grab
, 242.

40
“We leave tomorrow.”:
Kaus,
Und was für ein Leben
, 200.

40
he gave the order for his troops:
Haas, “Der Anschluss,” 45.

40
The Nazis also captured:
Gerhart Botz,
Nationalsozialismus in Wien: Machtübernahme, Herrschaftssicherung, Radikalisierung 1938–1939
(Vienna, 2008), 62–63.

41
Göring called Seyss to tell him:
Irving,
Göring
, 209.

41
When listeners heard:
Geissmar,
The Baton and the Jackboot
, 327.

41
the end of “Jewish rule.”:
Goebbels,
Tagebücher I, V
, 203;
Stürmer
12, March 1938.

42
“All right, but not with any:
Willi Frischauer,
Goering
(London, 1951), 153.

42
This was nevertheless risky:
Herbert Rosenkranz,
Verfolgung und Selbstbehauptung: Die Juden in Österreich 1938–1945
(Vienna, 1978), 9.

42
“I feel as if I were looking:
Andrew Chandler, “Lambeth Palace, the Church of England and the Jews of Germany and Austria in 1938,”
Leo Baeck Institute Year Book
40 (1995): 227.

43
Another significant Jewish body:
Sylvia Maderegger,
Die Juden im österreichischen Ständestaat 1934–1938
(Salzburg, 1973), 47–48, 56.

43
They were greatly resented in Germany and Austria:
Alexander A. Bankier, “‘ . . . Auch nicht von der Frau Hinterhuber’: Zu den ökonomischen Aspekten des Novemberpogroms in Wien,” in Historisches Museum der Stadt Wien (hereinafter Historisches Museum),
Der Novemberpogrom 1938
(Vienna, 1988), 71.

43
Jewish “dictatorship.”:
Troller,
Fidele Grab
, 66–67.

44
The law was more in keeping:
Rosenkranz,
Verfolgung
, 32.

44
It was believed that Schuschnigg:
Nina Scholz and Heiko Heinisch, “
. . . Alles werden sich die Christen nicht gefallen lassen”: Wiener Pfarrer und die Juden in der Zwischenkriegszeit
(Vienna, 2001), 56–57.

44
The Ostjuden, lately come from the shtetls:
E-mail from Henry Wellisch of Toronto, November 22, 2007.

44
With the
Taufschein
:
Georg Fischer in Elfriede Schmidt,
1938 . . . und was dann? Fragen und Reaktionen
(Thaur bei Innsbruck, 1988), 31.

44
a third of the Jews in Dachau:
Bruno Heilig,
Men Crucified
(London, 1941), 94.

44
Tarrel had converted:
Lambeth Palace, file LR 1CC21, report by Hugh Grimes, February 1, 1937.

45
20 percent of potential refugees:
Lambeth Palace, Bell Papers 35.

45
estimated their numbers at 60,000:
Sheila Spielhofer,
Stemming the Dark Tide: Quakers in Vienna 1919–1942
(York, 2001), 111; Florian Freund and Hans Safrian, “Die Verfolgung der österreichischen Juden,” in Talos et al.,
NS-Herrschaft
, 789.

45
The philosopher Karl Popper:
Karl Popper,
Unended Quest: An Intellectual Autobiography
(London, 1982), 105.

45
In the first half of 1934:
Maderegger,
Ständestaat
, 60.

45
300,000 chiefly young Viennese:
See Gerhard Botz,
Wien vom Anschluss zum Weltkrieg
(Vienna, 1978).

45
As one contemporary put it:
Maximilian and Emilie Reich,
Zweier Zeugen Mund: Verschollene Manuskripte aus 1938: Wien–Dachau–Buchenwald
(Vienna, 2007), 200.

45
Hitlerites were already out:
British Board of Deputies (archives; hereafter BBD), C11/8/1/1.

45
Hitler Youth members:
Reich and Reich,
Zweier Zeugen Mund
, 36.

45
“The Jews here are very much worried:
Friends’ Library Archive (London; hereafter FLA), Germany Files, GE9, Emma Cadbury to Alice Nike, March 11, 1938.

46
“It is the heartless, grinning, soberly dressed:
Gedye,
Fallen Bastions
, 18.

46
The Czechs prudently sealed their borders:
George Clare,
The Last Waltz in Vienna
(London, 1994), 200.

46
only those with the appropriate:
Botz,
Nationalsozialismus
, 71.

46
They were happier to see:
François-Poncet,
Souvenirs
, 317.

46
Other Jews boarded trains to Romania:
Rosenkranz,
Verfolgung
, 31.

46
Once in Czechoslovakia:
Gedye,
Fallen Bastions
, 363.

47
He was in the theatre all day:
Carl Zuckmayer,
Als wär’s ein Stück von mir
(Frankfurt, 2006), 83.

47
“It was the witches’ Sabbath:
Zuckmayer,
Stück von Mir
, 84.

47
“The air was filled with the cacophony:
Zuckmayer,
Stück von mir
, 90.

47
promptly negotiated an exit visa:
Lothar,
Erinnerungen
, 110–112.

48
Fortunately the border official was a fan:
Lothar,
Erinnerungen
, 120–126.

48
she felt like hugging:
Kaus,
Und was für ein Leben
, 205–208.

48
Franz Theodor Csokor:
Troller,
Fidele Grab
, 226.

49
The Gustav Mahlerstrasse:
Geissmar,
The Baton and the Jackboot
, 329–331.

49
There were two days of “wild” persecution:
Reichsgesetzblatt (law, in published form) I, 1938, 237.

49
Later the Deutsche Bank:
Michael Smith,
Foley: The Spy Who Saved 10,000 Jews
(London, 1999), 107.

50
They called themselves
Araber
:
Rosenkranz,
Verfolgung
, 23.

50
it was the Fatherland Front that had:
Troller,
Fidele Grab
, 245.

50
He got them out:
Interview with Sir Dudley Forwood, June 12, 2000.

50
No one attempted:
Wingelbauer, “Das Österreichische Bundesheer,” 46.

50
It did not work twice:
Rosenkranz,
Verfolgung
, 33.