Eleanor de Montfort: A Rebel Countess in Medieval England (33 page)

120

Ibid., ii, pp. 248–9, esp. ll. 14935, 14939.

121

Ibid., ii, pp. 248–9, ll. 14948–55.

122

Ibid., ii, pp. 246–9, esp. ll. 14925–8, 14932, 14936, 14940–56.

123

Ibid., ii, pp. 248–53, ll. 14965–15027, esp. ll. 14981–7.

124

On 11 July 1230, while still in France, Henry III informed John of Monmouth, an English Marcher baron, crown agent and keeper of the forests of Buckholt, Clarendon, New and Panchet, that he had given twenty deer in his bailiwick ‘to the use of our sister, the wife of our beloved and faithful Earl William Marshal’:
CR, 1227–31
, p. 418. On John, see A. F. Pollard (2004), ‘Monmouth, John of (c
.
1182–1248)’, rev. R. R. Davies,
ODNB
, available online at
http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/18959
, accessed on 2 November 2010.

125

CR, 1227–31
, p. 448.

126

‘Annales de Theokesberia’, p. 77.

127

The Royal Charter Witness Lists of Henry III (1226–1272)
, ed. M. Morris (2001). Kew: List and Index Society 291–2, 2 vols, i, p. 100.

128

‘Annales de Theokesberia’, p. 78.

129

CPR, 1225–32
, p. 412; M. Altschul (1965),
A Baronial Family in Medieval England: The Clares, 1217–1314
. Baltimore: John Hopkins Press, p. 60.

130

For a brief summary, see Vincent, ‘Richard, First Earl of Cornwall’. See also Vincent,
Peter des Roches
, p. 266.

131

For a brief summary, see Walker, ‘Marshal, William (II), Fifth Earl of Pembroke’.

132

Vincent, ‘Richard, First Earl of Cornwall’.

133

‘Annales de Theokesberia’, p. 78.

134

Ibid.; ‘Annales de Waverleia’, p. 309. See also ‘Annales de Margan’, p. 38; ‘Annales de Wintonia’, p. 85; ‘Annales prioratus de Dunstaplia’, p. 126; ‘Annales Londonienses’, in
Chronicles of the Reigns of Edward I, and Edward II, Volume I
, ed. W. Stubbs (1882). London: Longman, Rolls Series, p. 30.

1
    

Chronica majora
, iii, p. 201.

2
    

CPR, 1225–32
, p. 435.

3
    

An entry on the fine rolls dated 12 April 1231 recorded that the king, ‘lamenting’ William junior’s death, had committed his estates in Ireland to the keeping of Waleran the Teuton:
CFR, 1230–31
, nos 138–9. See also ibid., no. 174.

4
    

CPR, 1225–32
, pp. 435–6.

5
    

Wendover
, iii, p. 13. See also
Historia anglorum
, ii, p. 334.

6
    

Chronica majora
, v, p. 235.

7
    

Paris referred to Eleanor as Cecily’s ‘disciple’. Paris confused Eleanor’s identity with that of her sister Joan, describing her as Joan, Countess of Pembroke:
ibid
., v, p. 235. On russet, see Labarge,
Mistress, Maids and Men
, p. 133.

8
    

Wendover
, iii, pp. 50–1, 78;
Historia anglorum
, ii, pp. 355–6, 367; C. H. Lawrence (2004), ‘Edmund of Abingdon [St Edmund of Abingdon, Edmund Rich] (c.1174–1240)’,
ODNB
, available online at
http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/8503
, accessed on 30 November 2010.

9
    

See p. 28.

10
  

Wilkinson,
Women in Thirteenth-Century Lincolnshire
, pp. 53–4.

11
  

Ibid., p. 54.

12
  

J. S. Loengard (1993), “Rationabilis dos”: Magna Carta and the Widow’s “Fair Share” in the Earlier Thirteenth Century’, in S. S. Walker (ed.),
Wife and Widow in Medieval England
. Michigan: University of Michigan Press, pp. 59–80, at p. 60.

13
  

The widow was also to enjoy estover of common: Holt,
Magna Carta
, pp. 503–4.

14
  

CR, 1227–31
, p. 493.

15
  

Ibid., p. 492.

16
  

Ibid., p. 498. Henry’s concern for his youngest sister also found a more personal expression a day later on May Day 1231, when he made Eleanor a gift of six deer from Feckenham Forest (Worcestershire), presumably for her to enjoy at Inkberrow: ibid.

17
  

Ibid., p. 502. For a gift that Henry made to her two days later of three tuns ‘from the king’s better wines’, see ibid., p. 504.

18
  

On 22 June, Henry III also ordered his English sheriffs to ensure that Eleanor was granted seisin of the ten and a half manors that had been settled on her for life in 1229: ibid., p. 518. Six days later, Thomas of Moulton and Hugh of Bath received orders that, once an extent had been made of William junior’s lands and tenements, they were to assign Eleanor ‘her reasonable dower according to the custom of the kingdom’: ibid., p. 520.

19
  

Ibid., pp. 527, 528.

20
  

There was considerable unrest among the Marshal tenants who opposed Richard Marshal’s exclusion from his Welsh and Irish lordships. Richard Marshal’s return to the king’s court in late June 1231 was also followed by the return to England from crusade of de Burgh’s rival, Peter des Roches: Vincent,
Peter des Roches
, pp. 272–3; Walker, ‘Hubert de Burgh and Wales’, 485–7.

21
  

This was with the exception of those lands in Newbury and Shrivenham that would remain in the possession of the Countess of Pembroke ‘for all her life by the king’s charter’:
CR, 1227–31
, p. 541.

22
  

Ibid., p. 555. In the following spring, when the royal court was at Marlborough, Eleanor complained to Henry that her late husband’s debtors were attempting to recover their money from her lands in Wiltshire, whereupon the king ordered the local sheriff to see that the debts were recovered from Richard Marshal’s properties instead:
CR, 1231–4
, p. 42.

23
  

For example, on 28 May 1231, the local sheriff was instructed to see that the oxen and ploughs remained on the manor of Weston (Hertfordshire) to cultivate the lands until the king should order otherwise:
CR, 1227–31
, p. 509. Similar arrangements were made for the ploughs on the countess’s manors of Sutton, Kemsing and Brabourne in Kent, and Luton and Toddington in Bedfordshire in July 1231:
CFR, 1230–31
, nos 220, 221. See Figure 3 above for a map of Eleanor’s principal English dower manors.

24
  

V. Hoyle (2008), ‘The Bonds that Bind: Money Lending between Anglo-Jewish and Christian Women in the Plea Rolls of the Exchequer of the Jews, 1218–80’,
Journal of Medieval History
, 34, 119–29, at p. 124.

25
  

CR, 1231–4
, p. 5.

26
  

Ibid., p. 49.

27
  

CPR, 1225–32
, p. 454.

28
  

Vincent,
Peter des Roches
, p. 295.

29
  

CR, 1231–4
, pp. 144–5. An entry on the fine rolls in the preceding autumn noted the presence of John Marshal, an executor of William junior, in Ireland; John had set out to receive Eleanor’s dower there (
CFR, 1230–1
, no. 311). This entry is indicative of the lengthy process and delays involved in securing her Irish dower.

30
  

The Archbishop of Dublin was sent another letter along similar lines: ibid., pp. 144–5.

31
  

D. A. Carpenter (1980), ‘The Fall of Hubert de Burgh’,
Journal of British Studies
, 19, 1–17; B. Weiler (2007),
Kingship, Rebellion and Political Culture: England and Germany, c. 1215–c.1250
. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 13–14.

32
  

Vincent,
Peter des Roches
, pp. 303–20.