Hannibal: A Hellenistic Life (65 page)

11.
Following the logic of Polybius here, but also more modern theories on the creation of an identity, and the creation of a literature which is just developing in the late third century. The wars with Carthage frame the period of the Romans learning to write their own story. See Gruen, 1990, 79–123 on Livius Andronicus, Naevius and Ennius, and Roman politics and the commentary and texts in Cornell (ed.), 2013, vols 1–3.

12.
The earliest known reference may come in Naevius’
Bellum Poenicum
but it is fragmentary; also in Timeaus of Tauromenium, both third century
BCE
.

13.
Among many others, e.g. Claudius Nero et al. at Metaurus.

14.
See Pietilä-Castrén, 1987 for the complete list.

15.
This Apollo was likely the Phoenician–Punic god Reshep (or perhaps Eshmun) brought to Rome after the sack of Carthage in 146
BCE
: see Lipinski, 2004, 486–488; Miles, 2010, 3, n. 7 and ibid., 289.

16.
The temple burned down in
c.
83
BCE
. Pliny,
NH
35.14 and Livy 25.39.12–15; see Acquaro, 1999 on what the shield of Hasdrubal might have looked like.

17.
Jugurtha was one of Masinissa’s grandsons outside the line of succession. There were many; Masinissa is reported to have had around 50 children over his long life: see Camps, 1987 and 1960, as well as Storm, 2001. Sallust,
Bellum Jugurthinum
, is the main source for his life.

18.
Kapust, 2011, 29–32.

19.
Whilst true for many aspects of Roman Republican history it is especially so for Hannibal and Carthage. Cicero of course died before the principate of Augustus but was central to the orthodox version of these events. Augustan rhetoric was very careful about the representations of contemporary enemies: see for example Rose, 2005 on representations of the Parthians in Augustan Rome. For Carthage in the literature of the first century
BCE
see Syed, 2005, 150–151.

20.
See Brizzi, 2011 and Gruen, 2011 on the representations of Hannibal and the Carthaginians in the post-war period.

21.
Cicero’s
Pro Balbo
50–51, where he holds up a ‘dignified Ennian Hannibal’ as an exemplum, according to Elliott, 2013, 166.

22.
See Rawlings, 2005, 172; and recently Stocks, 2014.

23.
Jacobs, 2010 on the idea of ‘the fearful enemy’.

24.
Gowing, 2005, 49–66 on Valerius Maximus and Roman memory.

25.
See Jacobs, 2010, 124, who traces this theme back to Sallust’s work, and see also Kapust, 2011, 30–32 on fear of Carthage.

26.
Juvenal evokes Hannibal as a rhetorical exercise in both Satire 10, 167 and Satire 7, 161, see Starks, 1999.

27.
Lucian’s dates, in the second century
CE
, when Rome’s great enemy is the Parthian Empire in the east, make these jibes at the Medes and Assyrians especially fruitful. Hannibal comes across as even greater for the quality of his opponents.

28.
This story from Lucian was so popular in the European Renaissance that a sixteenth-century gilt-bronze circular badge made in Germany is thought to show the scene. The heroic generals stand awaiting judgement before the god of the Underworld waiting for the decision on who is the best general (image visible at British Museum online collection number: 1915, 1216.130).

29.
A forged letter from Hannibal to the Athenians written in the first century
BCE
on papyrus is a fascinating document. The letter writer reported in high prose full of poetic ‘Pathos’ the war deeds of Hannibal and it encourages Athenians to hold a competition on the warlike abilities of Hannibal and the Carthaginians. The letter gives the impression that it is a rhetorical and historical practice piece from an anti-Roman background. See Peters (ed.), 2004, 25, fig. 3 for an image and Brizzi, 1984, 87–102, who provides a close analysis of the document.

30.
Was it Severus or Caracalla? Both would have had the opportunity to visit the tomb, but the personality of Caracalla seems to fit the act: the argument is surveyed in Moscovich, 1990, who notes that Caracalla had also worshipped at the tomb of Alexander, Achilles and Sulla. Herodian 4.8.5 claims Caracalla ‘admired Sulla the Roman and Hannibal the Libyan most of all generals and set up statues and pictures of them’. See also Birley, 1999, 142, who argues for Severus, as does Miles, 2010, 372; and Barnes, 1967, 97, who claims Caracalla.

31.
We only know of the Libyssa monument from a very late Byzantine source, Johannes Tzetzes,
c.
1110–1180
CE
and the reference is thought to have been taken from Cassius Dio (Tzetzes,
Chiliades
1.798ff.; Zonaras 9.21).

32.
Especially in the forum at Lepcis Magna; see Wilson, 2007 for a recent survey.

33.
Moscovich, 1990, provides the full set of references.

34.
See Livy along with Plutarch, Sallust and Polybius; and for the discovery and use of the classical authors in the Renaissance see Weiss, 1969.

35.
In English Shakespeare and Marlowe, as well as the dramas about Sophonisba (see chapter 11) there was also
Scipio and Hannibal
by Thomas Nabbes, all of which engaged with the popular and educated views on the ancient world.

36.
See Ralegh,
The History of the World
, vol. 6, bk 5, chapter 3.

37.
The notion developed in the Roman tradition that this winter at Capua was what really lost Hannibal the war, and even Cicero claimed that ‘Capua corrupted Hannibal himself’ (Cicero,
de agr
. 1.7).

38.
Rankin, 2005 notes that the most common reference, in this period, is to the time that Hannibal and his soldiers spent in Capua: ‘Both at home and abroad, then, in the decade before war gripped the Three Kingdoms, Irish writers invoked, in their efforts to strengthen their moral and military resolve, the negative example of the North African leader of colonial resistance, Hannibal…’ (2005: 151). The image of Hannibal as a resistance fighter against the imperial power is evoked here – and his losses at Capua used as a cautionary tale.

39.
Barry, 1978 [1634], 39. I have slightly modernized the language of the original. Hannibal is called, ‘one of the moste famouseste Captaines of the world’.

40.
Landgartha
was first performed in Dublin on St Patrick’s Day in 1640; see Rankin (ed.), 2013.

41.
Byron, 1831,121.

42.
A poem published in 1914 called ‘Gods of War’ reads: We swim beneath the epic skies:/A Rome and Carthage war once more; A.E. ‘Gods of War’,
The Times
[London, England] 30 Sept. 1914: 9. The Times Digital Archive. Wed. 20 Aug. 2014. Another example comes
from an article called ‘The New Rome and New Carthage’ excerpted in
The Times
from the German newspaper,
Frankfurter Zeitung
, with Germany representing Rome and England Carthage. “Through German Eyes” Times [London, England] 17 Sept. 1914: 4. The Times Digital Archive. Wednesday 20 August 2014.

43.
For a discussion of this play and the role of Carthage in modern Irish writing see Cullingford, 1996.

44.
The Atatürk-inspired monument to Hannibal can be found in modern Gebze. Libyssa – between Istanbul and Izmit – has also been identified as a place farther along the coast at Tavsançil Deresi, see Strobel, 2006. The precise location is debated.

45.
Hannibal and Me
by Andreas Kluth, 2011.

46.
In fiction, film, online games and even T-shirts. There is a variety of Hannibal T-shirts available online, including one that reads ‘My dad crossed the alps with Hannibal and all I got was this lousy t-shirt’. See
http://www.zazzle.co.uk/dad+crossed+the+alps+gifts

47.
In many ways Hannibal’s afterlife becomes like that of Cleopatra who has both fascinated and been reviled in popular culture from the Romans to the present.

48.
‘I often think that behind that suspicious little nod of theirs lie three thousand years of distrust. A lawyer means the law and in Sicily, from where their fathers came, the law has not been a friendly idea since the Greeks were beaten. I am inclined to notice the ruins in things, perhaps because I was born in Italy… I only came here when I was twenty-five. In those days, Al Capone, the greatest Carthaginian of them all, was learning his trade on these pavements’. Arthur Miller,
A View from the Bridge
, 1955, Act I, scene i.

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