Sundown Towns: A Hidden Dimension Of American Racism (103 page)
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Authors: James W. Loewen
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21
Jack Balkin, “Is the ‘Brown’ Decision Fading to Irrelevance?”
Chronicle of Higher Education,
11/9/2001, B12.
Jack Balkin, “Is the ‘Brown’ Decision Fading to Irrelevance?”
Chronicle of Higher Education,
11/9/2001, B12.
22
Potter Stewart, concurring opinion,
Milliken I,
1974, 756, 418 U.S. 717, 94 S.Ct. 3112, 41 L.Ed.2d 1069, n.2.
Potter Stewart, concurring opinion,
Milliken I,
1974, 756, 418 U.S. 717, 94 S.Ct. 3112, 41 L.Ed.2d 1069, n.2.
23
Evidence of racial residential exclusion committed or condoned by suburban governments was in the trial transcript, but the appeals court didn’t consider it because the court found that evidence of school segregation policies sufficient to decide the case in favor of the plaintiffs. The Supreme Court reversed that finding but then failed to consider the trial court’s evidence on residential exclusion!
Evidence of racial residential exclusion committed or condoned by suburban governments was in the trial transcript, but the appeals court didn’t consider it because the court found that evidence of school segregation policies sufficient to decide the case in favor of the plaintiffs. The Supreme Court reversed that finding but then failed to consider the trial court’s evidence on residential exclusion!
24
Reynolds Farley, Sheldon Danziger, and Harry J. Holzer,
Detroit Divided
(New York: Russell Sage, 2000), 40–41.
Reynolds Farley, Sheldon Danziger, and Harry J. Holzer,
Detroit Divided
(New York: Russell Sage, 2000), 40–41.
25
The next sentence continues, “Specifically, it must be shown that racially discriminatory acts of the state or local school districts . . . have been a substantial cause of interdistrict segregation.” Surely showing racially discriminatory acts by city governments—facilitated by state laws empowering exclusionary zoning and the like—should suffice. Furthermore, school districts probably participated in keeping out minorities by refusing to hire black teachers and other actions.
The next sentence continues, “Specifically, it must be shown that racially discriminatory acts of the state or local school districts . . . have been a substantial cause of interdistrict segregation.” Surely showing racially discriminatory acts by city governments—facilitated by state laws empowering exclusionary zoning and the like—should suffice. Furthermore, school districts probably participated in keeping out minorities by refusing to hire black teachers and other actions.
26
Milliken v. Bradley,
418 U.S. 717, 745 (1974).
Milliken v. Bradley,
418 U.S. 717, 745 (1974).
27
Requiring such residence afterward is perfectly acceptable.
Requiring such residence afterward is perfectly acceptable.
28
In 1990, for example, Villa Grove, IL, still sounded its siren at 6 PM every evening to warn African Americans to get out of town before dark and had not a single African American resident. Nevertheless, Villa Grove passed an elaborate series of ordinances mandating “Fair Housing”: “It is hereby declared to be the policy of the city . . . to assure equal opportunity to all persons to live in decent housing facilities regardless of race, color . . .” These ordinances hardly represented a sea change of public policy; they turn out to be boilerplate paragraphs outlawing discrimination, identical to language passed by Oakland, Illinois—another confirmed sundown town that in 1990 had no African American residents—and probably many other Illinois towns seeking continued federal subsidies for their housing programs.
In 1990, for example, Villa Grove, IL, still sounded its siren at 6 PM every evening to warn African Americans to get out of town before dark and had not a single African American resident. Nevertheless, Villa Grove passed an elaborate series of ordinances mandating “Fair Housing”: “It is hereby declared to be the policy of the city . . . to assure equal opportunity to all persons to live in decent housing facilities regardless of race, color . . .” These ordinances hardly represented a sea change of public policy; they turn out to be boilerplate paragraphs outlawing discrimination, identical to language passed by Oakland, Illinois—another confirmed sundown town that in 1990 had no African American residents—and probably many other Illinois towns seeking continued federal subsidies for their housing programs.
29
Villa Grove City Council, Ordinance 092490, Section 97.01, Declaration of Policy.
Villa Grove City Council, Ordinance 092490, Section 97.01, Declaration of Policy.
30
Fayetteville also teaches that the United States should pursue policies that decrease the income inequalities and narrow the wealth gap between blacks and whites. Black family income there is higher as a percentage of white family income than in any other North Carolina city, owing to the military. I write as President George W. Bush is asking Congress to repeal the inheritance tax. I do not understand how we can make any pretense to equal opportunity when children of the rich can inherit, untaxed, thousands of times as much as children of the middle class, let alone children of the poor. Since about 1980, the federal government has taken many steps to increase the wealth gap between poor and rich and between blacks and whites. They have worked; the gap has grown. We need to shrink it.
Fayetteville also teaches that the United States should pursue policies that decrease the income inequalities and narrow the wealth gap between blacks and whites. Black family income there is higher as a percentage of white family income than in any other North Carolina city, owing to the military. I write as President George W. Bush is asking Congress to repeal the inheritance tax. I do not understand how we can make any pretense to equal opportunity when children of the rich can inherit, untaxed, thousands of times as much as children of the middle class, let alone children of the poor. Since about 1980, the federal government has taken many steps to increase the wealth gap between poor and rich and between blacks and whites. They have worked; the gap has grown. We need to shrink it.
31
Catherine Lutz,
Homefront
(Boston: Beacon Press, 2001), 110, 125, 129; C. M. Waynick et al.,
North Carolina and the Negro
(Raleigh: North Carolina Mayors’ Cooperating Commission, 1964), 114–15; Andrew H. Myers, “Black, White, and Olive Drab,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, 1998, 424–25; Darrell Fears and Claudia Deane, “Biracial Couples Report Tolerance,”
Washington Post,
7/5/2001.
Catherine Lutz,
Homefront
(Boston: Beacon Press, 2001), 110, 125, 129; C. M. Waynick et al.,
North Carolina and the Negro
(Raleigh: North Carolina Mayors’ Cooperating Commission, 1964), 114–15; Andrew H. Myers, “Black, White, and Olive Drab,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Virginia, Charlottesville, 1998, 424–25; Darrell Fears and Claudia Deane, “Biracial Couples Report Tolerance,”
Washington Post,
7/5/2001.
32
The Minneapolis–St. Paul metropolitan area did this, and not just for school finances but for overall tax dollars. According to Myron Orfield, author of
American Metropolitics,
it then realized an unanticipated benefit: instead of pitting city legislators against suburban legislators against those from outer suburbs, delegates to the state from the metropolitan area now found themselves more unified, even across parties, and were able to develop clout to get assistance for their area from state government. Fiscal equalizing also mitigates some of the shockingly unequal ways we treat children based upon where they happen to live. See Myron Orfield, talk at OPEN meeting, Philadelphia, 12/2000, and his web site, metrore
search.org
; cf. Jonathan Kozol,
Savage Inequalities
(New York: Crown, 1991).
The Minneapolis–St. Paul metropolitan area did this, and not just for school finances but for overall tax dollars. According to Myron Orfield, author of
American Metropolitics,
it then realized an unanticipated benefit: instead of pitting city legislators against suburban legislators against those from outer suburbs, delegates to the state from the metropolitan area now found themselves more unified, even across parties, and were able to develop clout to get assistance for their area from state government. Fiscal equalizing also mitigates some of the shockingly unequal ways we treat children based upon where they happen to live. See Myron Orfield, talk at OPEN meeting, Philadelphia, 12/2000, and his web site, metrore
search.org
; cf. Jonathan Kozol,
Savage Inequalities
(New York: Crown, 1991).
33
Lizabeth Cohen,
A Consumers’ Republic
(New York: Knopf, 2003), 249.
Lizabeth Cohen,
A Consumers’ Republic
(New York: Knopf, 2003), 249.
34
Gary Orfield, OPEN, 12/2000; Orfield, “Residential Segregation: What Are the Causes?”
Journal of Negro Education
66, 3 (1997): 208; Brigid Schulte and Dan Keating, “Choosing Route to Ending Gap Rife with Risk,”
Washington Post,
9/3/2001.
Gary Orfield, OPEN, 12/2000; Orfield, “Residential Segregation: What Are the Causes?”
Journal of Negro Education
66, 3 (1997): 208; Brigid Schulte and Dan Keating, “Choosing Route to Ending Gap Rife with Risk,”
Washington Post,
9/3/2001.
35
See James Loewen, “Presentation,” “Discussion,” and “A Sociological View of Aptitude Tests,” in Eileen Rudert, ed.,
The Validity of Testing in Education and Employment
(Washington, DC: U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1993), 41–45, 58–62, 73–91; cf. “Analysis” in the same volume, 161; Loewen, Phyllis Rosser, and John Katzman, “Gender Bias on SAT Items,” American Educational Research Association, 4/1988, ERIC ED294915.
See James Loewen, “Presentation,” “Discussion,” and “A Sociological View of Aptitude Tests,” in Eileen Rudert, ed.,
The Validity of Testing in Education and Employment
(Washington, DC: U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1993), 41–45, 58–62, 73–91; cf. “Analysis” in the same volume, 161; Loewen, Phyllis Rosser, and John Katzman, “Gender Bias on SAT Items,” American Educational Research Association, 4/1988, ERIC ED294915.
36
Associated Press story, 12/1/2000, reprinted in “Worldview,”
Stay Free!
18 (n.d.), 8.
Associated Press story, 12/1/2000, reprinted in “Worldview,”
Stay Free!
18 (n.d.), 8.
37
According to a South Orange/Maplewood, New Jersey, school administrator, disaggregating scores by race persuaded some of his white parents that their kids would not suffer from attending a diverse high school. Only then would they move in.
According to a South Orange/Maplewood, New Jersey, school administrator, disaggregating scores by race persuaded some of his white parents that their kids would not suffer from attending a diverse high school. Only then would they move in.
Disaggregating scores by race and perhaps class is consistent with the No Child Left Behind Act. The disparities may lead some parents to pressure the school system to develop more effective educational programs for their children. Educators may analyze the tests to see if they accurately measure what students are learning. If some racists or elitists use the results to demean children of color or children of poverty, well, probably they were already doing so.
38
Gary Orfield, OPEN, 12/2000; Orfield, “Residential Segregation,” 208; Schulte and Keating, “Choosing Route to Ending Gap Rife with Risk”; Associated Press story, 12/1/2000, reprinted in “Worldview,”
Stay Free!
18 (n.d.), 8.
Gary Orfield, OPEN, 12/2000; Orfield, “Residential Segregation,” 208; Schulte and Keating, “Choosing Route to Ending Gap Rife with Risk”; Associated Press story, 12/1/2000, reprinted in “Worldview,”
Stay Free!
18 (n.d.), 8.
39
The statistical process used to vet SAT items makes it unlikely that any item disproportionately favorable to African Americans or poor Americans will ever appear on an SAT; it follows that the more students know about suburban white culture, the higher their SAT score is likely to be. Coaching and test-wiseness also favor those in elite sundown suburbs compared to students in multiclass interracial cities.
The statistical process used to vet SAT items makes it unlikely that any item disproportionately favorable to African Americans or poor Americans will ever appear on an SAT; it follows that the more students know about suburban white culture, the higher their SAT score is likely to be. Coaching and test-wiseness also favor those in elite sundown suburbs compared to students in multiclass interracial cities.
40
See Loewen, “Preliminary Conclusions on Admissions of Racial/Ethnic Groups at the University of California Berkeley,” typescript, Washington, DC, 2000.
See Loewen, “Preliminary Conclusions on Admissions of Racial/Ethnic Groups at the University of California Berkeley,” typescript, Washington, DC, 2000.
41
Michael Danielson,
The Politics of Exclusion
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), 146; Earl Woodard as paraphrased by Jeff Swiatek, “Martinsville Tired of Living with Image of Racism, Bigotry,”
Indianapolis Star,
6/25/1989.
Michael Danielson,
The Politics of Exclusion
(New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), 146; Earl Woodard as paraphrased by Jeff Swiatek, “Martinsville Tired of Living with Image of Racism, Bigotry,”
Indianapolis Star,
6/25/1989.
42
On their way out of town, nonblacks might sell or rent their home to a black family, thus fixing sundown towns all by themselves. As they leave, they might arm that family with introductions to their best friends, a church, and other organizations that will provide sources of strength as they perform the lonely, even risky work of opening a sundown town for use by all. Organizational allies include the Fund for an Open Society in Philadelphia (opensoc .org, 215–482-OPEN) and the National Fair Housing Alliance, in Washington, DC (nation
alfairhousing.org
, 202-898-1661).
On their way out of town, nonblacks might sell or rent their home to a black family, thus fixing sundown towns all by themselves. As they leave, they might arm that family with introductions to their best friends, a church, and other organizations that will provide sources of strength as they perform the lonely, even risky work of opening a sundown town for use by all. Organizational allies include the Fund for an Open Society in Philadelphia (opensoc .org, 215–482-OPEN) and the National Fair Housing Alliance, in Washington, DC (nation
alfairhousing.org
, 202-898-1661).
43
Since 1996, I have lived in a neighborhood in Washington, D.C., that is more than 80% African American. For seven years I lived in majority-black neighborhoods in Tougaloo and Jackson, Mississippi. In all three places I have enjoyed my neighbors and have never been made to feel out of place.
Since 1996, I have lived in a neighborhood in Washington, D.C., that is more than 80% African American. For seven years I lived in majority-black neighborhoods in Tougaloo and Jackson, Mississippi. In all three places I have enjoyed my neighbors and have never been made to feel out of place.
44
Karyn Lacy, “A Part of the Neighborhood,”
International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy
22 (2002): 59–60.
Karyn Lacy, “A Part of the Neighborhood,”
International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy
22 (2002): 59–60.
45
Farley, Danziger, and Holzer,
Detroit Divided,
194.
Farley, Danziger, and Holzer,
Detroit Divided,
194.
46
John Gehm,
Bringing It Home
(Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 1984); David Mitchell, “A Struggled Balance of Hope and Fear,”
Valparaiso Times,
6/29/2003.
John Gehm,
Bringing It Home
(Chicago: Chicago Review Press, 1984); David Mitchell, “A Struggled Balance of Hope and Fear,”
Valparaiso Times,
6/29/2003.
47
Admittedly, these counties are also farther from Atlanta.
Admittedly, these counties are also farther from Atlanta.
48
Oprah Winfrey, “Vintage Oprah: Racial Tension in Georgia,” Harpo Productions, Chicago, 2001 (1987), 13.
Oprah Winfrey, “Vintage Oprah: Racial Tension in Georgia,” Harpo Productions, Chicago, 2001 (1987), 13.
49
Trafficante v. Met Life et al.,
409 U.S. 205 (1972).
Trafficante v. Met Life et al.,
409 U.S. 205 (1972).
50
Dorothy K. Newman et al.,
Protest, Politics, and Prosperity
(New York: Pantheon, 1978), 139; Peoria native, 2/2001.
Dorothy K. Newman et al.,
Protest, Politics, and Prosperity
(New York: Pantheon, 1978), 139; Peoria native, 2/2001.
51
Myrlie B. Evers with William Peters,
For Us, the Living
(Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1967), 30–31.
Myrlie B. Evers with William Peters,
For Us, the Living
(Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1967), 30–31.
52
I think this hanging was apocryphal, at least at so late a date, but the story intimidates anyway. Bill Savage notes via Robert Griswold, e-mail, 6/2002; George Henderson,
Our Souls to Keep
(Yarmouth, ME: Intercultural Press, 1999), 210; Melissa Merideth, “Henderson Sparked Civil Rights Movement at OU,”
Oklahoma Daily Online,
2/18/2002, oudaily .com/vnews/display.v/ART/2002/02/18/3d3c2e102b065?in_archive=1,6/2003; Bill Savage, 2/26/2004.
I think this hanging was apocryphal, at least at so late a date, but the story intimidates anyway. Bill Savage notes via Robert Griswold, e-mail, 6/2002; George Henderson,
Our Souls to Keep
(Yarmouth, ME: Intercultural Press, 1999), 210; Melissa Merideth, “Henderson Sparked Civil Rights Movement at OU,”
Oklahoma Daily Online,
2/18/2002, oudaily .com/vnews/display.v/ART/2002/02/18/3d3c2e102b065?in_archive=1,6/2003; Bill Savage, 2/26/2004.
53
Daisy Myers, 1957 journal rewritten in 1960 as manuscript, “Sticks and Stones,” excerpted as sign in exhibit on Levittown, Pennsylvania State Museum, Harrisburg, 9/2002.
Daisy Myers, 1957 journal rewritten in 1960 as manuscript, “Sticks and Stones,” excerpted as sign in exhibit on Levittown, Pennsylvania State Museum, Harrisburg, 9/2002.
54
Attorney quoted in Andrew Wiese,
Places of Their Own
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 160; James Hecht,
Because It Is Right
(Boston: Little, Brown, 1970), 199, 209–10.
Attorney quoted in Andrew Wiese,
Places of Their Own
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 160; James Hecht,
Because It Is Right
(Boston: Little, Brown, 1970), 199, 209–10.
55
Victor Ward, 6/2002.
Victor Ward, 6/2002.
56
J. D. Mullane, “Exhibit Recalls Clashes in Summer of 1957,”
Bucks County Courier Times,
7/9/2002,
phillyburbs.com/couriertimes/levittown50th/0103daisy.htm
, 7/2002.
J. D. Mullane, “Exhibit Recalls Clashes in Summer of 1957,”
Bucks County Courier Times,
7/9/2002,
phillyburbs.com/couriertimes/levittown50th/0103daisy.htm
, 7/2002.
57
Zane Miller,
Suburb
(Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1981 ), 145, 219.
Zane Miller,
Suburb
(Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1981 ), 145, 219.
58
Herbert Gans,
The Levittowners
(New York: Pantheon, 1967), 428; Newman,
Protest, Politics, and Prosperity,
140; cf. Cynthia Mills Richter, “Integrating the Suburban Dream: Shaker Heights, Ohio,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1999, 102.
Herbert Gans,
The Levittowners
(New York: Pantheon, 1967), 428; Newman,
Protest, Politics, and Prosperity,
140; cf. Cynthia Mills Richter, “Integrating the Suburban Dream: Shaker Heights, Ohio,” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Minnesota, 1999, 102.
59
Jackson,
Crabgrass Frontier,
241; Ingrid Gould Ellen,
Sharing America’s Neighborhoods
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), 162–63; Karen Beck Pooley, “The Other Levittown: Race and Place in Willingboro, New Jersey,” The Next American City web site,
americancity.org/Archives/Issue2/pooley_issue2.html,3/2004
;
Linmark Associates v. Willingboro,
431 U.S. 85 (1977).
Jackson,
Crabgrass Frontier,
241; Ingrid Gould Ellen,
Sharing America’s Neighborhoods
(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), 162–63; Karen Beck Pooley, “The Other Levittown: Race and Place in Willingboro, New Jersey,” The Next American City web site,
americancity.org/Archives/Issue2/pooley_issue2.html,3/2004
;
Linmark Associates v. Willingboro,
431 U.S. 85 (1977).
60
What defines a blatant disparity under the Residents’ Rights Act? I suggest that any town less than one-tenth as black as its state—or any suburb less than one-tenth as black as its metropolitan area—falls under suspicion. (To a degree, this rewards widespread sundown areas. The Ozark Plateau, for example, is so large that it makes up a considerable part of the total populations of Missouri and Arkansas. Thus its whiteness pulls down the statewide proportion of African Americans, especially in Arkansas, making the trigger—one-tenth of that proportion—artificially low. This may be a serious problem in Idaho if it is true, as some claim, that the entire state has been inhospitable to African Americans.) Of course, only blacks in households with an African American householder will count, to avoid including prisoners, maids, live-in caregivers, etc. (The appropriate adjustment would also be made to total population: number in households.) In 2000, Illinois was 15.4% black, so to avoid qualifying, towns must be 1.54% black. In Indiana, the benchmark is 0.87% black.
What defines a blatant disparity under the Residents’ Rights Act? I suggest that any town less than one-tenth as black as its state—or any suburb less than one-tenth as black as its metropolitan area—falls under suspicion. (To a degree, this rewards widespread sundown areas. The Ozark Plateau, for example, is so large that it makes up a considerable part of the total populations of Missouri and Arkansas. Thus its whiteness pulls down the statewide proportion of African Americans, especially in Arkansas, making the trigger—one-tenth of that proportion—artificially low. This may be a serious problem in Idaho if it is true, as some claim, that the entire state has been inhospitable to African Americans.) Of course, only blacks in households with an African American householder will count, to avoid including prisoners, maids, live-in caregivers, etc. (The appropriate adjustment would also be made to total population: number in households.) In 2000, Illinois was 15.4% black, so to avoid qualifying, towns must be 1.54% black. In Indiana, the benchmark is 0.87% black.
Obviously all towns having no African Americans at all will immediately qualify, such as Elwood, Indiana, still reportedly off-limits to blacks as of 2002. So will our old favorite Anna, having no more than two people in families with a black householder in 2000. Since their histories immediately confirm them as sundown towns, after two complaints Elwood and Anna will immediately face sanctions. In 2000, Arcola, Illinois, had one qualifying household with 3 people in it among 2,652 residents, or 0.1%. That was far less than the required 1.54%, so Arcola qualifies. Former sundown town Valparaiso, Indiana, on the other hand, now being about 1.6% black, is exempt.
The calculation is similar within metropolitan areas. The Detroit primary metropolitan area was 23.4% black in 2000. Any jurisdiction within that area that was less than one-tenth as black, or less than 2.34% black, will trigger sanctions—if it has been confirmed as having a sundown past—once two complaints have been received. Grosse Pointe’s point system and other details of its past confirm the five Grosse Pointe jurisdictions as sundown towns. Statistically, Grosse Pointe itself, 0.8% black in 2000, qualifies, as does Grosse Pointe Farms, 0.6%, Grosse Pointe Shores, 0.6%, and Grosse Pointe Woods, 0.6% black; Grosse Pointe Park, a whopping 2.95% black, is exempt. Many other Detroit suburbs also qualify, such as Grosse Ile at less than 0.4% black, Dearborn at 1.3%, and our old friend Wyandotte, 0.5%, each of which “boasts” a sundown past.
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