Heart of Europe: A History of the Roman Empire (139 page)

137
. M. Fulbrook,
Piety and Politics
(Cambridge, 1983); R. L. Gawthrop,
Pietism and the Making of Eighteenth-Century Prussia
(Cambridge, 1993).

138
. E.-O. Mader, ‘Fürstenkonversionen zum Katholizismus in Mitteleuropa im 17. Jahrhundert’,
ZHF
, 34 (2007), 403–440; I. Peper,
Konversionen im Umkreis des Wiener Hofes um 1700
(Vienna, 2010).

139
. For a detailed example, see G. Haug-Moritz,
Württembergischer Ständekonflikt und deutscher Dualismus
(Stuttgart, 1992).

140
. G. Haug-Moritz, ‘Corpus Evangelicorum und deutscher Dualismus’, in V. Press (ed.),
Alternativen zur Reichsverfassung in der Frühen Neuzeit?
(Munich, 1995), pp.189–207; P. H. Wilson, ‘Prussia and the Holy Roman Empire, 1700–40’,
GHIL
, 36 (2014), 3–48.

141
. This is claimed for Augsburg: E. François,
Die unsichtbare Grenze. Protestanten und Katholiken in Augsburg, 1648–1806
(Sigmaringen, 1991). The other three bi-confessional cities were Biberach, Dinkelsbühl and Ravensburg. See also J. Whaley, ‘A tolerant society? Religious toleration in the Holy Roman Empire, 1648–1806’, in O. P. Grell and R. Porter (eds.),
Toleration in Enlightenment Europe
(Cambridge, 2000), pp.175–95.

142
. The changes are listed in more detail in H. Neuhaus,
Das Reich in der Frühen Neuzeit
(Munich, 1997), pp.30–31. See also W. Ziegler, ‘Die Hochstifte des Reiches im konfessionellen Zeitalter 1520–1618’,
Römische Quartalschrift
, 87 (1992), 252–81. Only seven imperial abbeys disappeared through direct secularization during the Reformation. Six left the Empire through incorporation within the Swiss Confederation. See also pp.409–14.

143
. The last to do this was Isny in 1782.

144
. H. Brück,
Geschichte der katholische Kirche in Deutschland im neunzehnten Jahrhundert
(4 vols., Mainz, 1887–1901), I, p.3.

145
. S. Schraut,
Das Haus Schönborn. Eine Familienbiographie. Katholischer Reichsadel, 1640–1840
(Paderborn, 2005).

146
. L. G. Duggan, ‘The church as an institution of the Reich’, in J. A. Vann and S. Rowan (eds.),
The Old Reich
(Brussels, 1974), pp.149–64 at 154–5. The proportion of commoners in the medieval church was probably higher, since the social background of 421 bishops is unknown. See also B. Blisch, ‘Kurfürsten und Domherren’, in F. Dumont et al. (eds.),
Mainz. Die Geschichte der Stadt
(Mainz, 1998), pp.879–97; G. Christ, ‘Selbstverständnis und Rolle der Domkapitel in den geistlichen Territorien des alten deutschen Reiches in der Frühneuzeit’,
ZHF
, 16 (1989), 257–328.

147
. E. Gatz (ed.),
Die Bischöfe des Heiligen Römischen Reiches 1448 bis 1648
(Berlin, 1996), pp.163–71; G. Bönisch,
Clemens August
(Bergisch Gladbach, 2000).

148
. E.g. K. Epstein,
The Genesis of German Conservatism
(Princeton, 1966), pp.276–85, 605–15.

149
. T. C. W. Blanning,
Reform and Revolution in Mainz, 1743–1803
(Cambridge, 1974); P. H. Wilson,
German Armies: War and German Politics, 1648–1806
(London, 1998); J. Nowosadtko,
Stehendes Heer im Ständestaat. Das Zusammenleben von Militär- und Zivilbevölkerung im Fürstbistum Münster 1650–1803
(Paderborn, 2011).

150
. D. Beales,
Prosperity and Plunder: European Catholic Monasteries in the Age of Revolution, 1650–1815
(Cambridge, 2003); M. Printy,
Enlightenment and the Creation of German Catholicism
(Cambridge, 2009).

151
. Febronism’s place in imperial politics is discussed in more detail by K. O. Frhr. v. Aretin,
Das Alte Reich, 1648–1806
(4 vols., Stuttgart, 1993–2000), III, pp.237–97. For the League of Princes see also pp.482, 640–42.

152
. E.g. Dalberg held a mass to celebrate Napoleon’s victories over Prussia at Jena and Auerstädt in 1806. For this and the following see K. Hausberger (ed.),
Carl von Dalberg
(Regensburg, 1995); K. M. Färber,
Kaiser und Erzkanzler. Carl von Dalberg und Napoleon am Ende des Alten Reiches
(Regensburg, 1988); G. Menzel, ‘Franz Joseph von Albini, 1748–1816’,
Mainzer Zeitschrift
, 69 (1974), 1–126; R. Decot (ed.),
Säkularisation der Reichskirche, 1803
(Mainz, 2002); K. Härter, ‘Zweihundert Jahre nach dem europäischen Umbruch von 1803’,
ZHF
, 33 (2006), 89–115. See also pp.641–54, and the coverage of the Confederation of the Rhine on pp.660–63.

153
. W. H. B. Smith,
Mauser Rifles and Pistols
(Harrisburg, PA, 1947), pp.12–13.

154
. Detailed example in E. Klueting, ‘“Damenstifter sind zufluchtsörter, wo sich Fräuleins von adel schicklich aufhalten können”. Zur Säkularisation von Frauengemeinschaften in Westfalen und im Rheinland 1773–1812’, in T. Schilp (ed.),
Reform – Reformation – Säkularisation. Frauenstifte in Krisenzeiten
(Essen, 2004), pp.177–200.

155
. Aretin,
Alte Reich
, III, pp.518–21.

CHAPTER 3: SOVEREIGNTY

1
. J. D. Tracy,
Emperor Charles V, Impresario of War: Campaign Strategy, International Finance, and Domestic Politics
(Cambridge, 2002), pp. 239–40. For the following see also J. M. Headley, ‘The Habsburg world empire and the revival of Ghibellinism’,
Medieval and Renaissance Studies
, 7 (1978), 93–127 esp. 116; E. Rosenthal, ‘
Plus ultra
,
non plus ultra
, and the columnar device of Emperor Charles V’,
Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes
, 34 (1971), 204–28.

2
. G. Dagron,
Emperor and Priest: The Imperial Office in Byzantium
(Cambridge, 2003); F. Dvornik,
Early Christian and Byzantine Political Philosophy
(2 vols., Washington DC, 1966); D. M. Nicol, ‘Byzantine political thought’, in J. H. Burns (ed.),
The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought c.350–c.1450
(Cambridge, 1988), pp.51–79.

3
. E. N. Luttwak,
The Grand Strategy of the Byzantine Empire
(Cambridge, MA, 2009).

4
. The theological differences are summarized in R. Collins,
Early Medieval Europe, 300–1000
(Basingstoke, 1991), pp.266–8; R. W. Southern,
Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages
(Harmondsworth, 1970), pp.62–5.

5
. Ottonian engagement with Poland and Hungary is explored in more depth on pp.204–7. For the following see C. A. Frazee, ‘The Christian church in Cilician Armenia: Its relations with Rome and Constantinople to 1198’,
Church History
, 45 (1976), 166–84; David R. Stokes, ‘A failed alliance and expanding horizons: Relations between the Austrian Habsburgs and the Safavid Persians in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries’ (University of St Andrews PhD thesis, 2014), 156–61.

6
. K. Müller, ‘Kurfürst Johann Wilhelm und die europäische Politik seiner Zeit’,
Düsseldorfer Jahrbuch
, 60 (1986), 1–23 at 13–14.

7
. W. Ohnsorge,
Das Zweikaiserproblem im früheren Mittelalter
(Hildesheim, 1947). For imperial-Byzantine conflicts in Italy, see pp.187–92.

8
. L. H. Nelson and M. V. Shirk (eds.),
Liutprand of Cremona: Mission to Constantinople (968
AD
)
(Lawrence, KS, 1972); G. Koch,
Auf dem Wege zum Sacrum Imperium
(Vienna, 1972), pp.218–30; A. A. Latowsky,
Emperor of the World: Charlemagne and the Construction of Imperial Authority, 800–1229
(Ithaca, NY, 2013), pp.44–51.

9
. M. Becher,
Otto der Große
(Munich, 2012), pp.245–51; S. Weinfurter,
The Salian Century
(Philadelphia, 1999), pp.28–9. For tenth-century imperial-Byzantine contacts generally, see K. Leyser,
Medieval Germany and its Neighbours, 900–1250
(London, 1982), pp.103–37. On Theophanu see also pp.315–16.

10
. P. Frankopan,
The First Crusade: The Call from the East
(Cambridge, MA, 2012).

11
. W. Treadgold,
A Concise History of Byzantium
(Basingstoke, 2001), pp. 215–16, 236.

12
. M. Angold,
The Fall of Constantinople to the Ottomans
(New York, 2012).

13
. Koch,
Auf dem Wege
, pp.227–9.

14
. A. Cameron,
The Byzantines
(Oxford, 2010), pp.163–6; P. Burke, ‘Did Europe exist before 1700?’,
History of European Ideas
, 1 (1980), 21–9; J. Hale,
The Civilisation of Europe in the Renaissance
(London, 1993), pp. 3–50; L. Wolff,
Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map of Civilization in the Mind of the Enlightenment
(Stanford, 1994), and the contributions of J. G. A. Pocock and W. C. Jordan in A. Pagden (ed.),
The Idea of Europe from Antiquity to the European Union
(Cambridge, 2002).

15
. A. Çirakman,
From the ‘Terror of the World’ to the ‘Sick Man of Europe’: European Images of Ottoman Empire and Society from the Sixteenth Century to the Nineteenth
(New York, 2002); A. Höfert,
Den Feind beschreiben: ‘Türkengefahr’ und europäisches Wissen über das Osmanische Reich, 1450–1600
(Frankfurt, 2003); S. Faroqhi,
The Ottoman Empire and the World around It
(London, 2007); M. Wrede,
Das Reich und seine Feinde. Politische Feindbilder in der Reichspatriotischen Publizistik zwischen Westfälischem Frieden und Siebenjährigem Krieg
(Mainz, 2004), pp.66–216; P. Sutter Fichtner,
Terror and Toleration: The Habsburg Empire Confronts Islam, 1526–1850
(London, 2008), pp.21–53.

16
. S. F. Dale,
The Muslim Empires of the Ottomans, Safavids and Mughals
(Cambridge, 2010).

17
. C. Finkel,
Osman’s Dream: The Story of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1923
(London, 2005).

18
. K. Barkey,
Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective
(Cambridge, 2008), pp.101–8; I. Almond,
Two Faiths One Banner: When Muslims Marched with Christians across Europe’s Battlegrounds
(Cambridge, MA, 2009), pp.134–6.

19
. J. Darwin,
After Tamerlane: The Global History of Empire since 1405
(New York, 2008), pp.37–8; J. Burbank and F. Cooper,
Empires in World History
(Princeton, 2010), pp.70–78.

20
. G. Althoff,
Die Ottonen
(2nd ed., Stuttgart, 2005), pp.111–12.

21
. C. Kostick, ‘Social unrest and the failure of Conrad III’s march through Anatolia, 1147’,
GH
, 28 (2010), 125–42; G. A. Loud (ed.),
The Crusade of Frederick Barbarossa: The History of the Expedition of the Emperor Frederick and Related Texts
(Farnham, 2013), pp.48–55. See also the sources cited on p.775.