84
. Fairbank,
The Chinese World Order
, p. 61.
85
. For an interesting discussion of these issues, see Wang Gungwu, ‘Early Ming Relations with Southeast Asia: A Background Essay’, in Fairbank,
The Chinese World Order
, pp. 60-62. Also Park, ‘Small States and the Search for Sovereignty in Sinocentric Asia’, p. 3.
86
. Callahan,
Contingent States
, pp. 77, 81.
87
. It should be noted that the Chinese continue to insist that negotiations over the sovereignty of the islands must be conducted on a bilateral rather than a multilateral basis, another echo of the tributary system; Callahan,
Contingent States
, pp. 97-8.
90
. Ibid., pp. 33, 66-7, 78, 83. The Chinese claim the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands in the East China Sea on the same basis; Erica Strecker Downs and Phillip C. Sanders, ‘Legitimacy and the Limits of Nationalism: China and the Diaoyu Islands’, in Michael Brown et al., eds,
The Rise of China
(Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 2000), p. 51; also Callahan,
Contingent States
, p. 72.
91
. Willy Lam, ‘China Flexes Its New Muscle’,
International Herald Tribune
, 21 December 2007.
92
. Chen Hurng-yu and Pan Shiying, cited in Callahan,
Contingent States
, p. 96.
94
. Reinhard Drifte,
Japan’s Security Relations with China since 1989: From Balancing to Bandwagoning
(London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), p. 53.
95
. Callahan,
Contingent States
, pp. 179-80.
96
. Ibid., pp. 158-61, 166, 174.
98
. Cited in ibid., pp. 158-9; also p. 143.
99
. Michael D. Swaine, ‘China’s Regional Military Posture’, in Shambaugh,
Power Shift
, p. 277.
100
. Quoted in Amitav Acharya, ‘Containment, Engagement, or Counter-dominace? Malaysia’s Response to the Rise of China’, in Johnston and Ross,
Engaging China
, p. 131; also Kim, ‘The Political Economy of Mahathir’s China Policy’, p. 11.
101
. Christopher R. Hughes,
Chinese Nationalism in the Global Era
(London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 154-5.
102
. Alexander Vuving, ‘Traditional and Modern Sino-Vietnamese Relations’, in Reid and Zheng,
Negotiating Asymmetry
, p. 9.
103
. Zhao,
Chinese Foreign Policy
, p. 270.
104
. Li, ‘Security Challenge of an Ascendant China’, p. 28; Callahan,
Contingent States
, p. 66.
105
. Shambaugh, ‘China Engages Asia’, p. 81; Kang, ‘Getting Asia Wrong’, p. 81.
106
. ‘Abuse Claims Spark Uproar’,
China Daily
, 28 November 2005; ‘Malaysia Urged to Probe Women Abuse Cases’,
China Daily
, 30 November 2005; ‘Police Abuse Images Hurt Tourist Confidence’, editorial,
China Daily
, 30 November 2005.
107
. ‘Malaysia Urged to Probe Women Abuse Cases’,
China Daily
, 30 November 2005.
108
. ‘Oriental Daily in Danger of Getting Suspended’,
Strait Times
, 20 January 2006.
109
. Hughes,
Chinese Nationalism in the Global Era
, p. 81; also Callahan,
Contingent States
, p. 54.
110
. Quoted in Hughes,
Chinese Nationalism in the Global Era
, p. 82.
111
. The ethnic Chinese account for the following proportion of the total population: Malaysia 29%; Brunei 15%; Cambodia 5%; Indonesia 3.5%; Myanmar 20%; Philippines 2.0%; Thailand 10%; Vietnam 3%. Acharya, ‘Containment, Engagement, or Counter-dominance?’, p. 134; Chua,
World on Fire
, p. 34.
112
. The Chinese government actively promotes its relations with the overseas Chinese; Kurlantzick,
Charm Offensive
, p. 77; also pp. 125-7.
113
. Wang Gungwu,
China and the Chinese Overseas
(Singapore: Times Academic Press, 1991), p. 302.
114
. Suisheng Zhao,
A Nation-State by Construction: Dynamics of Modern Chinese Nationalism
(Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2004), pp. 280-88.
115
. Zhu Feng, ‘Why Taiwan Really Matters to China’, 30 November 2004, posted on
www.irchina.org
116
. Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis: Implications for Northeast Asia’, paper given at conference on ‘Nationalism and Globalisation in Northeast Asia’, Asia Research Centre, London School of Economics, 12 May 2007.
117
. Richard Bush, ‘Taiwan Faces China: Attraction and Repulsion’, in Shambaugh,
Power Shift
, p. 173; Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis’, p. 3.
118
. Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis,’ p. 9.
119
. Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis’, p. 7; Bush, ‘Taiwan Faces China’, pp. 179-80.
120
. Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis’, p. 5.
121
. 2005 Taiwan Security Survey, Centre for Election Studies, National Chengchi University, cited in Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis’, p. 8.
123
. Callahan,
Contingent States
, p. 158.
126
. Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis’, p. 13.
127
. Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis’, pp. 13-14.
128
. Ibid., p. 13; Swaine, ‘China’s Regional Military Posture’, pp. 275-6.
129
. ‘Taiwanese Voted for Ma to Fix the Economy Above All Else’,
South China Morning Post
, 24 March 2008; ‘New Leader in Taiwan Must Strike a Balance’,
International Herald Tribune
, 24 March 2008.
130
. Callahan,
Contingent States
, p. 181; Lampton, ‘China’s Rise in Asia Need Not Be at America’s Expense’, p. 321; Robert S. Ross, ‘The Geography of Peace: East Asia in the Twenty-first Century’, in Brown et al.,
The Rise of China
, p. 199.
131
. Callahan,
Contingent States
, p. 179.
132
. Chu Yun-han, ‘The Political Economy of Taiwan’s Identity Crisis’, p. 15; Callahan,
Contingent States
, pp. 179-80.
133
. Bush, ‘Taiwan Faces China’, p. 183.
134
. For example, Shi Yinhong, workshop on Sino-Japanese relations, Renmin-Aichi University conference, Beijing, 8 December 2005.
135
. Park, ‘Small States and the Search for Sovereignty in Sinocentric Asia’, pp. 3-11.
136
. Peter Hays Gries,
China’s New Nationalism: Pride, Politics, and Diplomacy
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004), pp. 39, 70-71.
137
. Ibid., p. 79. The best known recent book, arguing that over 300,000 were killed, is Iris Chang,
The Rape of Nanking
(London: Penguin, 1998). For a Japanese view that denies there was a massacre of any kind, see Higashinakano Shudo,
The Nanking Massacre: Facts Versus Fiction, a Historian’s Quest for the Truth
(Tokyo: Sekai Shuppan, 2005), especially Chapter 17. The question remains deeply contentious, with a group of right-wing Liberal Democrat deputies suggesting in a report in June 2007 that only 20,000 died; see ‘Japan MPs Play Down 1937 Killings’, 19 June 2007, on
www.bbc.co.uk/news
.
138
. The English-language
Japan Times
, for example, constantly carries stories about attempts by Chinese and Korean citizens to seek legal redress for their treatment in the last war, which the Japanese courts summarily dismiss; see for instance,
Japan Times
, 20 April 2005. Also Satoh Haruko, ‘The Odd Couple: Japan and China - the Politics of History and Identity’,
Commentary
, 4, (9 August 2006), Japanese Institute of International Affairs.
139
. Jonathan D. Spence,
The Search for Modern China
, 2nd edn (New York: W.W. Norton, 1999), pp. 423-4, 439. Japan’s occupation of Korea between 1910 and 1945 included sex slavery and the kidnapping of Korean women for the Japanese army, the burning down of Korean villages, the banning of the Korean language and religions, and the forced changing of names.
140
. Interview with Kyoshi Kojima, Tokyo, June 1999.
141
. In 2001 both Hong Kong and Singapore enjoyed a slightly higher GDP per head than Japan, while Taiwan’s was 78 per cent and South Korea’s was 71 per cent of Japan’s; Angus Maddison,
The World Economy: Historical Statistics
(Paris: OECD, 2003), pp. 184-5.
142
. Satoh,
The Odd Couple: Japan and China, the Politics of History and Identity
(Japan Institute of International Affairs, 7 August 2006).
143
. Interview with Peter Tasker, Tokyo, 8 June 1999.
144
. Satoh,
The Odd Couple
.
145
. Interview with Zhu Feng, Beijing, 16 November 2005.
146
. Drifte,
Japan’s Security Relations with China since 1989
, pp. 78-9.
147
. Ibid., p. 79; Mike M. Mochizuki, ‘China-Japan Relations: Downward Spiral or a New Equilibrium?’, in Shambaugh,
Power Shift
, p. 137.
148
. Drifte,
Japan’s Security Relations with China since 1989
, p. 77.
149
. Ibid., pp. 80-81, 83, 88-9; Mochizuki, ‘China-Japan Relations’, p. 147.
150
. David Pilling, ‘Less Toxic Relations between Japan and China’,
Financial Times
, 6 February 2008.
151
. Zhang Yunling,
Designing East Asian FTA
, p. 61.
152
.
Japan Times
, 13 April 2005; Shi Yinhong, ‘The General Situation of the China-Japan Relations and the Imperative for a Composite Strategy’, workshop on Sino-Japanese relations, Renmin-Aichi University Conference, Beijing, 2005, p. 2.
153
. Ibid., pp. 2-3;
Japan Times
, 13 April 2005.
154
. For example,
Japan Times
, 17 April 2005 and 19 June 2005.
155
.
International Herald Tribune
, 2 April 2007.
156
. Drifte,
Japan’s Security Relations with China since 1989
, pp. 183-4.
157
. Shi Yinhong, ‘The General Situation of the China-Japan Relations and the Imperative for a Composite Strategy’, 2005, pp. 1, 5.
158
. Drifte,
Japan’s Security Relations with China since 1989
, pp. 55-60; Shi Yinhong, ‘The General Situation of the China-Japan Relations and the Imperative for a Composite Strategy’, 2005, pp. 3-5; Shi Yinhong, workshop on Sino-Japanese relations, Renmin-Aichi University conference, Beijing, 2005.
159
. Drifte,
Japan’s Security Relations with China since 1989
, pp. 49-51.
161
. Reinhard Drifte, ‘Japanese-Chinese Territorial Disputes in the East China Sea - Between Military Confrontation and Economic Cooperation’, pp. 35-6 (unpublished working paper, available to download from
http://eprints.lseac.uk
. ).
162
. Zhao,
A Nation-State by Construction
, pp. 273-5.
163
. Interview with Shi Yinhong, Beijing, 26 August 2005.
164
. Satoh,
The Odd Couple
; Hirano So, ‘Study of Contemporary Political History of East Asian Region - from the Chain Effect of Chinese and Japanese Nationalism Perspective’, workshop on Sino-Japanese relations, Renmin-Aichi University conference, Beijing, 8 December 2005.
165
. Gries,
China’s New Nationalism
, pp. 38, 40; interview with Shi Yinhong, Beijing, 26 August 2005.
166
. Shi Yinhong, workshop on Sino-Japanese relations.
167
. Perhaps this is the underlying reason for China’s more self-confident stance in its relationship with Japan, as evinced by Hu Jintao. Kokubun Ryosei, ‘Did the Ice Melt between Japan and China?’, conference on ‘Nationalism and Globalisation in North-East Asia’, Asia Research Centre, London School of Economics, 12 May 2007, pp. 1, 9, 11-12.
168
. Lampton, ‘China’s Rise in Asia Need Not Be at America’s Expense’, p. 320.
170
. For a different and optimistic view of their future relationship, based on demographic trends, see Howard W. French, ‘For Old Rivals, a Chance at a Grand New Bargain’,
International Herald Tribune
, 9 February 2007.
171
. Martin Jacques, ‘Where is Japan?’, seminar paper presented at the Faculty of Media and Communications, Aichi University, 27 July 2005; Martin Jacques, ‘The Age of America or the Rise of the East: The Story of the 21st Century’,
Aichi University Journal of International Affairs
, 127 (March 2006), pp. 7-8.
172
. ‘We’re Just Good Friends, Honest’,
The Economist
, 17 March 2007, p. 73.
173
. Drifte,
Japan’s Security Relations with China since 1989
, pp. 88-99; Thomas J. Christensen, ‘China, the US-Japan Alliance, and the Security Dilemma in East Asia’, in Brown et al.,
The Rise of China
, pp. 148-9.