Burma Redux: Global Justice and the Quest for Political Reform in Myanmar (54 page)

162.
 Exhaustive human rights yearbooks, eventually running to more than 1,000 pages, were also released by the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma.
www.ncgub.net
.

163.
 Benedict Rogers,
A Land without Evil: Stopping the Genocide of Burma’s Karen People
(Oxford: Monarch, 2004). Guy Horton,
Dying Alive: An Investigation and Legal Assessment of Human Rights Violations Inflicted in Burma, with Particular Reference to the Internally Displaced, Eastern Peoples
(Chiang Mai: Images Asia, 2005).

164.
 Barbara Harff, “How to Use Global Risk Assessments to Anticipate and Prevent Genocide,”
Politorbis
47:2 (2009), 71–8, p.76. Yozo Yokota, “Challenge impunity in Myanmar,”
Jakarta Post
, July 7, 2010.

165.
 Turnell, et al., “Burma’s Economy 2009,” p.638. Turnell, “Finding Dollars and Sense,” p.22.

166.
 Fink,
Living Silence in Burma
, pp.196–200.

167.
 Turnell, et al, “Burma’s Economy 2009,” p.638. World Health Organization,
The World Health Report 2000: Health Systems: Improving Performance
(Geneva: World Health Organization, 2000).

168.
 In May 2008, Hlaing Aung was allowed to publish this opinion in
The New Light of Myanmar:
“In the early monsoon, large edible frogs are abundant. The people of the Ayeyarwady Division can survive with self-reliant efforts even if they are not given chocolate bars from [the] international community.” Hlaing Aung, “Storm-hit areas will have been regenerated with thriving trees and crop plantations by next year,”
New Light of Myanmar
, May 30, 2008, p.10. Cited in Human Rights Watch,
“I Want to Help My Own People,”
p.43.

169.
 Reporters Without Borders,
Press Freedom Index 2010
(No place: Reporters Without Borders, 2010).

170.
 Transparency International,
Corruption Perceptions Index 2010
(Berlin: Transparency International, 2010).

171.
 Institute for Economics and Peace,
Global Peace Index: 2010 Methodology, Results and Findings
(Sydney: Institute for Economics and Peace, 2010).

172.
 The Fund for Peace,
Failed States Index 2010.
www.fundforpeace.org/web/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=452&Itemid=908
.

173.
 Freedom House,
Freedom in the World 2011: The Authoritarian Challenge to Democracy
(Washington, DC: Freedom House, 2011).

174.
 The Political Instability Task Force at George Mason University acts as a hub for several projects, all of which can be accessed through the main portal.
http://global-policy.gmu.edu
.

175.
 Anthony Ware and Matthew Clarke, “The MDGs in Myanmar: Relevant or Redundant?,”
Journal of the Asia Pacific Economy
16 (2011), forthcoming.

176.
 Duffield, “On the Edge of ‘No Man’s Land’.”

177.
 Callahan, “Myanmar’s Perpetual Junta,” p.44.

178.
 Victor,
The Lady.
Wintle,
Perfect Hostage
.

179.
 Callahan, “Myanmar’s Perpetual Junta,” p.48. Robert H. Lieberman’s 2011 film,
They Call it Myanmar: Lifting the Curtain
, presents striking images and voices from inside the country at the end of the junta period.

180.
 N. Ganesan, “Myanmar’s Foreign Relations: Reaching out to the World,” in Kyaw Yin Hlaing, Robert H. Taylor and Tin Maung Maung Than (eds),
Myanmar: Beyond Politics to Societal Imperatives
(Singapore: ISEAS Publications, 2005), 30–55.

181.
 Selth, “Burma’s ‘Saffron Revolution’ and the Limits of International Influence,” p.291.

182.
 US concern is visible in a 2009 cable sent by Larry M. Dinger, US chargé d’affaires in Yangon. US Department of State, “Burma: another conversation about Burma-DPRK,” November 10, 2009. WikiLeaks US Embassy Cables, ref. 09RANGOON732. For a skeptical view, see Andrew Selth, “Burma and North Korea: Conventional Allies or Nuclear Partners?,”
Australian Journal of International Affairs
64:2 (2010), 145–65.

183.
 Maggie Lemere and Zoë West (eds),
Nowhere to Be Home: Narratives from Survivors of Burma’s Military Regime
(San Francisco, CA: McSweeney’s, 2011).

184.
 Selth, “Burma’s ‘Saffron Revolution’ and the Limits of International Influence,” p.283.

185.
 R. H. Taylor, “Political Values and Political Conflict in Burma,” in Robert I. Rotberg, ed.,
Burma: Prospects for a Democratic Future
(Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1998), 33–48. David I. Steinberg, “‘Legitimacy’ in Burma/Myanmar: Concepts and Implications,” in N. Ganesan and Kyaw Yin Hlaing, eds,
Myanmar: State, Society and Ethnicity
(Singapore and Hiroshima: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies and Hiroshima Peace Institute, 2007), 109–42. McCarthy, “Overturning the Alms Bowl.”

186.
 Kevin Bales,
Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy
(Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1999).

187.
 Callahan, “Myanmar’s Perpetual Junta.”

188.
 Duffield, “On the Edge of ‘No Man’s Land’.”

Chapter 4

1.
     Associates to Develop Democratic Burma,
Burma Alert
10:3 (October 1992), 3–4.

2.
     Mary P. Callahan, “Burma in 1995: Looking Beyond the Release of Aung San Suu Kyi,”
Asian Survey
36:2 (1996), 158–64, p.160.

3.
     Tin Maung Maung Than,
State Dominance in Myanmar: The Political Economy of Industrialization
(Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2007), p.343.

4.
     Human Rights Watch,
Burma: Events of 2008
(New York, NY: Human Rights Watch, no date).

5.
     Myanmar Ministry of Information,
Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (2008)
(No place: Myanmar Ministry of Information, 2008), Article 441.

6.
     Article 50 prescribes Nay Pyi Taw as Union territory under direct administration of the President. Article 56 creates six self-administered areas for named ethnic groups: Naga, Danu, Pa-O, Pa Laung, Kokang, and Wa. Myanmar Ministry of Information,
Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar
.

7.
     Susanne Prager Nyein, “Expanding Military, Shrinking Citizenry and the New Constitution in Burma,”
Journal of Contemporary Asia
39:4 (2009), 638–48.

8.
     Transnational Institute and Burma Centrum Nederland,
Burma’s 2010 Elections: Challenges and Opportunities
(Amsterdam: Transnational Institute and Burma Centrum Nederland, 2010).

9.
     Myanmar State Peace and Development Council,
Political Parties Registration Law
, SPDC Law No. 2/2010, para.10e. March 8, 2010.

10.
   Richard Horsey, “Preliminary Analysis of Myanmar’s 2010 Electoral Laws,” Conflict Prevention and Peace Forum Briefing Paper, March 31, 2010. Amnesty International,
Myanmar’s 2010 Elections: A Human Rights Perspective
, ASA 16/007/2010 (London: Amnesty International, 2010).

11.
   Aung Zaw, “Suu Kyi gives Than Shwe a smart sidekick,”
Irrawaddy
, March 25, 2010.
Irrawaddy
, “NLD says ‘No’ to election,” March 29, 2010.

12.
   BBC News, “Burma upholds dissolution of Suu Kyi’s NLD party,” January 28, 2011.
www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-pacific-12307838
.

13.
   Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies,
Listening to Voices from Inside: People’s Perspectives on Myanmar’s 2010 Election
(Phnom Penh: Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, 2010).

14.
   Richard Horsey, “Myanmar: A Pre-election Primer,” Conflict Prevention and Peace Forum Briefing Paper, October 18, 2010, pp.1–2.

15.
   Official population estimates (in millions) are: Shan State 4.75; Rakhine State 2.71; Mon State 2.43; Kayin State 1.45; Kachin State 1.25; Chin State 0.47; Kayah State 0.26. Myanmar Ministry of Hotels and Tourism, “The eight major national ethnic races in Myanmar.”
www.myanmar.gov.mm/ministry/hotel/fact/race.htm
.

16.
   Richard Horsey, “Countdown to the Myanmar Elections,” Conflict Prevention and Peace Forum Briefing Paper, August 25, 2010, Appendices 2, 3.

17.
   Horsey, “Countdown to the Myanmar Elections,” p.3.

18.
   Transnational Institute and Burma Centrum Nederland,
Burma in 2010: A Critical Year in Ethnic Politics
(Amsterdam: Transnational Institute and Burma Centrum Nederland, 2010).

19.
   Horsey, “Myanmar: A Pre-election Primer,” pp.3–4.

20.
   Transnational Institute and Burma Centrum Nederland,
Unlevel Playing Field: Burma’s Election Landscape
(Amsterdam: Transnational Institute and Burma Centrum Nederland, 2010), p.4.

21.
   Network for Democracy and Development,
Burma: A Violent Past to a Brutal Future: The Transformation of a Paramilitary Organization into a Political Party
(No place: Network for Democracy and Development, 2010).

22.
   Horsey, “Myanmar: A Pre-election Primer,” p.8.

23.
   Horsey, “Myanmar: A Pre-election Primer,” p.2.

24.
   Transnational Institute and Burma Centrum Nederland,
Unlevel Playing Field
, p.4.

25.
   Horsey, “Countdown to the Myanmar Elections,” p.6.

26.
   Horsey, “Countdown to the Myanmar Elections,” p.7.

27.
   Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma),
Silencing Dissent: The Ongoing Imprisonment of Burma’s Political Activists in the Lead Up to the 2010 Elections
(Mae Sot: Assistance Association for Political Prisoners (Burma), 2010).

28.
   International Crisis Group,
Myanmar’s Post-election Landscape
(Jakarta/Brussels: International Crisis Group, 2011), Appendix B.

29.
   Transnational Institute and Burma Centrum Nederland,
A Changing Ethnic Landscape: Analysis of Burma’s 2010 Polls
(Amsterdam: Transnational Institute and Burma Centrum Nederland, 2010).

30.
   Derek Tonkin, “Myanmar after the elections,”
Burmese Perspectives
, December 18, 2010, p.4.
http://www.networkmyanmar.org/images/stories/PDF6/bp181210.pdf
.

31.
   Thomas Fuller, “Parliament picks insider as president of Myanmar,”
International Herald Tribune
, February 4, 2011.

32.
   
Irrawaddy
, “Misreading Burma’s crisis,” March 18, 2011.

33.
   International Crisis Group,
Myanmar’s Post-election Landscape
, pp.5–8.